Reading Reflection Please use your weekly reading notes as a basis to construct an essay for reading reflection. Each reading note should have about

Reading Reflection
Please use your weekly reading notes as a basis to construct an essay for reading reflection. Each reading note should have about 250 words for each reading, so collectively and adding your reflection, this assignment should be about 1000+ words.The first part consist in the summary of EACH reading for week 2-4 and then the second part is your reflection of all readings. The total is 1000-2000 words. The assignment includes:
1. Summarize each reading that use the rhetoric pecis as a template to answer the following questions:
1) which article you read,
2) according to the author(s), why the topic is important and what is the key point the author(s) wants to make?
3) what are the evidences, supporting arguments, or recommendations that the author(s) presented in this reading?
4) who are the target audiences that the author(s) intended to deliver to?
2. Write your own reflections on the readings, which answers, but not limited to, the following questions:
1) Why this topic is important to sustainable and resilient community design?
2) How would this topic be built upon environments that are equitable and just? and vice versa?
3) How would this topic related to climate change impacts and solutions to cope with climate change?

30

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People-of-Color
Environmentalism
from Dumping in Dixie: Race, Class, and
Environmental Quality (1990)

Robert Bullard

Editors Introduction

Sustainability goals are often presented in terms of the three Es environment, economy, and equity which
in a sustainable society would all be enhanced over the long term. Of these, equity has been by far the least
represented within public policy debates. There are relatively few well-organized groups advocating on behalf
of low-income or otherwise disadvantaged communities. Even the environmental movement, with its relatively
progressive middle-class constituency, developed initially with little consideration of the equity implications of
its issues.

The link between social justice and environmental issues in the United States was forged in the 1980s in
large part by working-class communities fighting against the location of garbage incinerators, landfills, and
toxic chemical hazards near their neighborhoods. Black and Latino activists in particular criticized mainstream
environmental groups for their lack of diversity, and demanded procedural changes to bring about more equit-
able public participation within environmental decision making. At the same time, activists in the developing
world were calling attention to the inequitable impacts of development policies internationally a separate
but parallel set of equity debates.

Texas Southern University dean and sociology professor Robert D. Bullard has been at the forefront of
chronicling and defining the environmental justice movement in the United States. Here he discusses the
roots of the movement, links with gender issues, and prospects for future organizing. Other leading writings
on the subject of environmental justice include Growing Smarter: Achieving Livable Communities, Environ-
mental Justice, and Regional Equity, edited by Bullard (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007), The Black Metro-
polis in the Twenty-first Century: Race, Power, and Politics of Place, also edited by Bullard (Lanham, MD:
Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), Environmental Health and Racial Equity in the United States: Building Envir-
onmentally Just, Sustainable, and Livable Communities, by Bullard, Glenn S. Johnson, and Angel O. Torres
(Washington, D.C.: American Public Health Association, 2011), Just Sustainabilities: Development in an
Unequal World, edited by Julian Agyeman, Bullard, and Bob Evans (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003),
Sustainable Communities and the Challenge of Environmental Justice, by Agyeman (New York: New York
University Press, 2005), and Introducing Just Sustainability: Policy, Planning, and Practice by Agyeman
(London: Zed Books, 2013).

Wheeler, S. M., & Beatley, T. (Eds.). (2014). Sustainable urban development reader. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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R O B E R T B U L L A R D236

It is time for people to stop asking the question

Do minorities care about the environment?

The evidence is clear and irrefutable that white

middleclass communities do not have a monopoly

on environmental concern, nor are they the only

groups moved to action when confronted with the

threat of pollution. Although a concern-and-action

gap may still exist between people of color and

whites, communities of color are no longer being

bullied into submission by industrial polluters and

government regulators.1

Clearly, a new form of environmentalism has

taken root in America and in communities of color.

Since the late 1970s, a new grassroots social move-

ment has emerged around the toxics threat. Citizens

mobilized around the anti-waste theme. These

social activists acquired new skills in areas where

they had little or no prior experience. They soon

became resident experts on toxics issues. . . .

However, they did not limit their attacks to well-

publicized toxic-contamination issues but sought

remedial actions on problems like housing, trans-

portation, air quality, and even economic develop-

ment issues the traditional environmental agenda

had largely ignored.

Environmental justice embraces the principle

that all people and communities are entitled to equal

protection of environmental, health, employment,

housing, transportation, and civil rights laws. Activists

even convinced the EPA to develop a definition of

environmental justice. The EPA defines environ-

mental justice as:

The fair treatment and meaningful involve-

ment of all people regardless of race, color,

national origin, or income with respect to the

development, implementation, and enforcement

of environmental laws, regulations and policies.

Fair treatment means that no group of people,

including racial, ethnic, or socio-economic group

should bear a disproportionate share of the

negative environmental consequences resulting

from industrial, municipal, and commercial oper-

ations or the execution of federal, state, local,

and tribal programs and policies.2

A major paradigm shift occurred in the 1990s.

This shift created a new framework and a new

leadership. Women led much of this grassroots

leadership. The impetus behind this change included

grassroots activism, redefinition of environmental-

ism as a right, research documenting disparities,

national conferences and symposia, emphasis on

pollution and disease prevention, government initia-

tives, interpretation of existing laws and mandates,

and grassroots alliances and coalitions.

Environmentalism has been too narrowly defined.

Concern has been incorrectly equated with check

writing, dues paying, and membership in environ-

mental organizations. These biases have no doubt

contributed to the misunderstanding of the grass-

roots environmental justice movement in people-

of-color communities. People-of-color activists in

this new movement focused their attention on the

notion of deprivation. For example, when people

of color compare their environmental quality with

that of the larger society, a sense of deprivation

and unequal treatment, unequal protection, and

unequal enforcement emerges. Once again, insti-

tutional racism and discriminatory land-use policies

and practices of government at all levels influ-

ence the creation and perpetuation of racially

separate and unequal residential areas for people

of color and whites. Too often the disparities result

in groups fighting another form of institutional

discrimination.3

All communities are not created equal. Institu-

tional barriers have locked millions of people of

color in polluted neighborhoods and hazardous,

low-paying jobs, making it difficult for them to vote

with their feet and escape these health-threatening

environments. Whether in the ghetto or barrio,

on the reservation, or in rural poverty pockets,

environmental injustice is making some people sick.

Government has been slow to take these concerns

as legitimate environmental and health problems.

Mainstream environmentalists have also been slow

in recognizing these grassroots activists as real

environmentalists.4

The environmental justice movement is an exten-

sion of the social justice movement. Environmental

justice advocates should not have to apologize

for this historical fact. Environmentalists may be

concerned about clean air but may have opposing

views on public transportation, highway construc-

tion, industrial-facility siting, or the construction of

low-income housing in white, middle-class suburban

neighborhoods. On the other hand, environmental

justice advocates also want clean air. People of color

have come to understand that environmentalists

Wheeler, S. M., & Beatley, T. (Eds.). (2014). Sustainable urban development reader. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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237 P E O P L E – O F – C O L O R E N V I R O N M E N T A L I S M

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are no more enlightened than nonenvironmentalists

when it comes to issues of justice and social equity.

But then, why should they be more enlightened?

After all, we are all products of socialization and

reflect the various biases and prejudices of this

process. It is not surprising that mainstream envir-

onmental organizations have not been active on

issues that disproportionately impact people of

color, as in the case of toxics, workplace hazards,

rural and urban housing needs, and the myriad

of problems resulting from discriminatory zoning

and strains in the urban, industrial complex. Yet

people of color are the ones accused of being

ill-informed, unconcerned, and inactive on environ-

mental issues.

Environmental decision-making operates at

the juncture of science, economics, politics, and

ethics. It has been an uphill battle to try to convince

some government and industry officials and some

environmentalists that unequal protection, dis-

parate impact, and environmental racism exist.

Nevertheless, grassroots activists have continued

to argue and in many instances have won their

case. Working together, community stakeholders

can assist government decision-makers in identify-

ing at-risk populations, toxic hot spots, research

gaps, and action plans to correct existing imbal-

ances and prevent future threats.5 In order to

accomplish their mission in an era of dwindling

resources, environmental policymakers are in –

creasingly turning to strategies that incorporate a

community-empowerment approach. For example,

community environmental protection (CEP) is

being touted by the EPA as a new way of doing

business.

Strengthening grassroots community groups can

build a supportive social environment for decision-

making. Residents and government authorities (local,

state, and federal), often working together through

creative partnerships with grassroots community

groups, universities, nonprofit agencies, and other

institutions, can begin solving environmental and

health problems and design strategies to prevent

future problems in low-income areas and commu-

nities of color. But the US Environmental Protection

Agency and other governmental agencies cannot

resolve all environmental problems alone. Com-

munities also need to be in the position to assist

in their own struggle for clean, safe, healthy, livable,

and sustainable communities.

THE RIGHT TO BREATHE CLEAN AIR

Before the federal government stepped in, issues

related to air pollution were handled primarily by

states and local governments. Because states and

local governments did such a poor job, the federal

government established national clean-air standards.

Congress enacted the Clean Air Act (CAA) in 1970

and mandated the EPA to carry out this law. Sub-

sequent amendments (1977 and 1990) were made

to the CAA that form the current federal program.

The CAA was a response to states unwillingness

to protect air quality. Many states used their lax

enforcement of environmental laws as lures for

business and economic development.6

Transportation policies are also implicated in

urban air-pollution problems. Automobile-choked

highways create health-threatening air pollution.7

Freeways are the lifeline for suburban commuters,

and millions of central-city residents are dependent

on public transportation as their primary mode of

travel.8 Are people of color concerned about air

quality and transportation? The answer is yes. The

air-quality impacts of transportation are especially

significant to people of color, who are more likely

than whites to live in urban areas with reduced air

quality. . . .

Asthma is an emerging epidemic in the United

States. The annual age-adjusted death rate from

asthma increased by 40 percent between 1982 and

1991, from 1.34 to 1.88 per 100,000 population,9

with the highest rates being consistently reported

among blacks between the ages of 15 and 24 years

during the period 19801993.10 Poverty and minor-

ity status are important risk factors for asthma

mortality. Children are at special risk from ozone.11

Children also represent a considerable share of the

asthma burden, that affliction being the most com-

mon chronic disease of childhood. Asthma affects

almost 5 million children under 18 years of age. . . .

The public health community has insufficient

information to explain the magnitude of some of

the air pollution-related health problems. However,

they do know that people suffering from asthma

are particularly sensitive to the effects of carbon

monoxide, sulfur dioxides, particulate matter, ozone,

and nitrogen oxides.12 Ground-level ozone may

exacerbate health problems such as asthma, nasal

congestion, throat irritation, respiratory-tract inflam-

mation, reduced resistance to infection, changes in

Wheeler, S. M., & Beatley, T. (Eds.). (2014). Sustainable urban development reader. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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R O B E R T B U L L A R D238

cell function, loss of lung elasticity, chest pains,

lung scarring, formation of lesions within the lungs,

and premature aging of lung tissues.13

African Americans, for example, have signifi-

cantly higher prevalence of asthma than the general

population.14 A 1996 report from the federal Centers

for Disease Control and Prevention shows hospi-

talization and death rates from asthma increasing

for individuals 25 years old or younger.15 The great-

est increases occurred among African Americans.

African Americans are two to six times more likely

than whites to die from asthma.16 Similarly, the

hospitalization rate for African Americans is 3.4

times the rate for whites. . . . Air pollution, for many

environmental justice advocates, translates into

poor health, loss of wages, and diminished quality

of life.

THE THREAT OF ECONOMIC EXTORTION

Why were people-of-color organizations late in

challenging the environmental imbalance that exists

in the United States? People-of-color organizations

and their leaders have not been as sensitive to

the environmental threats as they have been to

problems in education, housing, jobs, drugs, and,

more recently, the AIDS epidemic. In some cases,

they have operated out of misguided fear and

speculation that environmental justice will erode

hard-fought civil rights gains or thwart economic

development in urban core neighborhoods. There

is no evidence that environmental justice or the

application of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of

1964 has hurt business or brownfields (abandoned

properties that may or may not be contaminated)

redevelopment opportunities in communities of color.17

On the other hand, we do not have to speculate

about the harm inflicted on the residents from

racial red-lining by banks and insurance companies

and the targeting of communities of color for

polluting industries and locally unwanted land

uses, or LULUS. The harm is real and measurable.

Grassroots groups in communities of color are

beginning to take a stand against threatened plant

closure and job loss as a trade-off for environmen-

tal risks. These threats are tantamount to economic

extortion. This extortion has lost some of its appeal,

especially in those areas where the economic incen-

tives ( jobs, taxes, monetary contributions, etc.)

flow outside of the host community. People can

hardly be extorted over economic benefits they

never receive from the local polluting industry.

There is a huge difference between the promise

of a job and a real job. People will tell you, You

cant eat promises. Because of the potential to

exacerbate existing environmental inequities, com-

munity leaders are now questioning the underlying

assumptions behind so-called trade-offs as applied

in poor areas.

In their push to become acceptable and credible,

many mainstream environmental organizations

adopted a corporate model in their structure, de-

meanor, and outlook. This metamorphosis has had

a down side. These corporate-like environmental

organizations have alienated many grassroots

leaders and community organizers from the larger

movements. The environmental justice movement

with its egalitarian worldview and social justice

agenda offers an alternative to the more staid

traditional environmental groups.

Local community groups may be turned off by

the idea of sitting around a table with a waste-

disposal giant, a government regulator, and an en-

vironmentalist to negotiate the siting of a toxic-waste

incinerator in their community. The lines become

blurred in terms of the parties representing the

interests of the community and those of business.

Negotiations of this type fuel residents perception

of an unholy trinity, where the battle lines are

drawn along an us-versus-them power arrange-

ment. Moreover, overdependence on and blind

acceptance of risk-assessment analysis and the

best available technology for policy setting serves

to intimidate, confuse, and overwhelm individuals

at the grassroots level.

Talk of risk compensation for a host community

raises a series of moral dilemmas, especially where

environmental imbalances already exist. Should

risks be borne by a smaller group to spare the larger

groups? Past discriminatory facility-siting practices

should not guide future policy decisions. Having

one polluting facility makes it easier to site another

in the same general area. The one more wont

make a difference logic often becomes the domi-

nant framework for decision-making. Any saturation

policy derived from past siting practices perpetu-

ates equity impacts and environmental injustice.

Facility siting becomes a ritual for selecting victims

for sacrifice.

Wheeler, S. M., & Beatley, T. (Eds.). (2014). Sustainable urban development reader. ProQuest Ebook Central http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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239 P E O P L E – O F – C O L O R E N V I R O N M E N T A L I S M

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MOBILIZING THE GRASS ROOTS

It is unlikely that the environmental justice move-

ment will ever gain unanimous support in com-

munities of color. Few social movements can count

on total support and involvement of their con-

stituent groups. All social movements have free

riders, individuals who benefit from the efforts of

a few. Some people shake the trees, while others

pick up the apples. People-of-color environment-

alism has been and will probably remain wedded

to a social-action and social-justice framework. The

issues raised by environmental justice advocates

challenge the very core of privilege in our society.

Some people make money and profit off the misery

of poisoning others. Some communities are spared

environmental assaults because of industrial-siting

practices of concentrating locally unwanted land

uses in communities with little or no political power

and limited resources. After all, American society

has yet to achieve a race-neutral state where race-

and ethnic-based organizations are no longer

needed.

Although the color barrier has been breached

in most professional groups around the country,

blacks still find it useful to have their own organ-

izations. The predominately black National Bar

Association (NBA), National Medical Association

(NMA), National Association of Black Social

Workers (NABSW), Association of Black Psycho-

logists (ABP), and Association of Black Sociologists

(ABS) are examples of race-based professional

organizations that will probably be around for some

time in the new millennium.

Grassroots environmental organizations have the

advantage of being closer to the people they serve

and the problems they address. Future growth

in the environmental movement is likely to come

from the bottom up, with grassroots environmental

groups linking up with social-justice groups for

expanded spheres of influence and focus.

Communities of color do not have a long track

record in challenging government decisions and

private industries that threaten the environment

and health of their residents. Many of the organ-

izations and institutions were formed as a reaction

to racism and dealt primarily with social-justice

issues. Groups such as the NAACP, Urban League,

Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and Com-

mission for Racial Justice operate at the multistate

level and have affiliates in cities across the nation.

With the exception of Reverend Joseph Lowery

of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference,

Benjamin R. Chavis Jr. of the United Church

of Christs Commission for Racial Justice, and

Reverend Jessie Jackson of the National Rainbow

Coalition, few national black civil rights leaders and

organizations embraced an ideology that linked

environmental disparities with racism.18 It was not

until the 1980s that national civil rights organ-

izations began to make such links. This linking of

institutional racism with the structure of resource

allocation (clean environments) has led people-of-

color social-action groups to adopt environmental

justice as a civil rights issue, an issue well worth

taking to the street.

NIMBYism [not-in-my-backyard politics] has

operated to insulate many white communities

from the localized environmental impacts of waste

facilities while providing them the benefits of waste

disposal. NIMBYism, like white racism, creates and

perpetuates privileges for whites at the expense of

people of color. Citizens see the siting and unequal

protection question as an all-out war. Those

communities that can mobilize political influence

improve their chance of winning this war. Because

people of color remain underrepresented in elected

and appointed offices, they must, most often, rely

on indirect representation, usually through white

officials who may or may not understand the nature

and severity of the community problem. Citizen

redress often becomes a political issue. Often the

only science involved in the government response

and decision-making is political science.

Who are the frontline leaders in this quest for

environmental justice? The war against environ-

mental racism and environmental injustice has been

waged largely by people of color who are indige-

nous to the communities. People-of-color grassroots

community groups receive some moral support

from outside groups, but few experts are down in

the trenches fighting alongside the warriors. On the

other hand, it was the mothers and grandmothers,

ministers from the churches, and the activist

leaders from community-based organizations, civic

clubs, neighborhood associations, and parents

groups who mobilized against the toxics threat.

Few of these leaders may identify themselves as

environmentalists or see their struggle solely as an

environmental problem. Their struggles embrace

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R O B E R T B U L L A R D240

larger issues of equity, social justice, and resource

distribution. Environmental justice activists question

the fairness of the decision-making process and

the outcome.

Many environmental justice disputes revolve

around siting issues, involving government or pri-

vate industry. Proposals for future sites are more

likely to attract environmentalists support than

are existing sites. It is much easier to get outside

assistance in fighting a noxious facility that is on

paper than one that is in operation. Again, plant

closure means economic dislocation. Because com-

munities of color are burdened with a greater share

of existing facilities many of which have been

in operation for decades it is an uphill battle

of convincing outside environmental groups to

support efforts to close such facilities.

It makes a lot of sense for the organized

environmental movement in the United States to

broaden its base to include people-of-color, low-

income, and working-class individuals and issues.

Why diversify? People of color now form a potent

voting bloc. Diversification makes good economic

and political sense for the long-range survival of

the environmental movement. However, it is not

about selfishness or quota filling. Diversification

can go a long way in enhancing the national envi-

ronmental movements worldwide credibility and

legitimacy in dealing with global environmental

and development issues, especially in Third World

nations.19

NOTES

1 See Bullard, R.D. 1996. Unequal Protection:

Environmental Justice and Communities of Color.

San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, pp. 322;

Bryant, B. 1995. Environmental Justice: Issues,

Policies, and Solutions. Washington, DC: Island

Press, pp. 834.

2 US Environmental Protection Agency. 1998.

Guidance for Incorporating Environmental Justice

Concerns in EPAs NEPA Compliance Analysis.

Washington, DC: EPA.

3 Bullard, R.D. 1999. Dismantling Environmental

Racism in the USA. Local Environment, 4,

pp. 519.

4 Westra, Laura and Wenz, Peter S. 1995. Faces

of Environmental Racism: Confronting Issues of

Global Justice. Lanham, MD: Rowman &

Littlefield.

5 Bullard, R.D. 1999. Leveling the Playing Field

Through Environmental Justice. Vermont Law

Review, 23, pp. 453478; Collin, Robert W. and

Robin M. 1998. The Role of Communities in

Environmental Decisions: Communities Speaking

for Themselves. Journal of Environmental Law

and Litigation, 13, pp. 3789.

6 Reitze, Arnold W. Jr. 1991. A Century of Air

Pollution Control Law: What Worked; What

Failed; What Might Work. Environmental Law,

21, pp. 1549.

7 Davis, Sid. 1997. Race and the Politics of

Transportation in Atlanta. In R.D. Bullard

and G.S. Johnson (eds). Just Transportation:

Dismantling Race and Class Barriers to Mobility.

Gabriola Island, DC: New Society Publishers,

pp. 8496; Environmental Justice Resource

Center. 1999. Sprawl Atlanta: Social Equity

Dimensions of Uneven Growth and Development.

Atlanta, GA: Report prepared for the Turner

Foundation, Clark Atlanta University.

8 For an in-depth discussion of transportation

investments and social equity issues, see Bullard

and Johnson (eds). Just Transportation.

9 Centers for Disease Control. 1995. Asthma

United States, 19821992. Morbidity and Mortality

Weekly Report, 43, pp. 952955.

10 Centers for Disease Control. 1996. Asthma

Mortality and Hospitalization among Children

and Young Adults United States, 19801993.

Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 45,

pp. 350353.

11 Pribitkin, Anna E. 1994. The Need for Revision

of Ozone Standards: Why Has the EPA Failed

to Respond? Temple Environmental Law and

Technology Journal, 13, p. 104.

12 See Mann, Eric. 1991. L.A.s Lethal Air: New

Strategies for Policy, Organizing, and Action.

Los Angeles: Labor/Community Strategy

Center.

13 US Environmental Protection Agency. 1996.

Review of National Ambient Air Quality Standards

for Ozone, Assessment of Scientific and Technical

Information. Research Triangle Park, NC: OAQPS

staff paper, EPA; American Lung Association.

1995. Out of Breath: Populations-at-Risk to Alterna-

tive Ozone Levels. Washington, DC: American

Lung Association.

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241 P E O P L E – O F – C O L O R E N V I R O N M E N T A L I S M

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14 See Mak, H.P., Abbey, H., and Talamo, R.C.

1983. Prevalence of Asthma and Health Service

Utilization of Asthmatic Children in an Inner

City. Journal of Allergy and Clinical Immunology,

70, pp. 367372; Goldstein, I.F. and Weinstein,

A.L. 1986. Air Pollution and Asthma: Effects

of Exposure to Short-Term Sulfur Dioxide

Peaks. Environmental Research, 40, pp. 332345;

Schwartz, J., Gold, D., Dockey, D.W., Weiss, S.T.,

and Speizer, F.E. 1990. Predictors of Asthma

and Persistent Wheeze in a National Sample of

Children in the United States. American Review of

Respiratory Disease, 142, pp. 555562; Crain, F.,

Weiss, K., Bijur, J. et al., 1994, An Estimate of

the Prevalence of Asthma and Wheezing Among

Innercity Children. Pediatrics, 94, pp. 356362.

15 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

1996. Asthma Mortality and Hospitalization

Among Children and Young Adults United

States, 19801993. Morbidity and Mortality

Weekly Report, 45.

16 Centers for Disease Control. 1992. Asthma

United States, 19801990. Morbidity and Mortality

Weekly Report, 39.

17 US Environmental Protection Agency. 1999.

Brownfields Title VI Case Studies: Summary Report.

Washington, DC: Office of Solid Waste and

Emergency Response.

18 United Church of Christ Commission for Racial

Justice. 1998. From Plantation to Plant: Report

of the Emergency National Commission on Environ-

mental Justice in St. James Parish, Louisiana.

Cleveland: United Church of Christ.

19 See Bullard, R.D. 1993. Confronting Environmental

Racism: Voices from the Grassroots. Boston: South

End Press, chapter 1.

Wheeler, S. M., & Beatley, T. (Eds.). (2014). Sustainable urban development reader. ProQu

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