in one 500-word post, respond to at least one of the following questions:
if you were asked for input into a sex education curriculum (you decide what grade levels), what suggestions might you make? how have the readings in our class so far informed your vision of effective sex education?
how do this week’s readings prompt us to expand how we think about and address sexual violence whether we address it through activism, policy changes, writing, art, media, or something else?
Controlling Sexuality
week 2 lecture
femstw 150, summer session a, 2020
ms. mariah webber
adapted from j. victorian and dr. miller-young
1
overview
check announcements that were sent out
some objectives for the week:
examine the gender and racial constructions of innocence, chastity, and sexual morality
discuss racialized histories and functions of reproductive politics and discourses
explore how feminists analyze and respond to issues of sexual violence as well as the cultures and systems that perpetuate it
lecture sections:
controlling girls and womens sexuality
race and reproduction
rape and sexual violence
content warning!!!
2
themes and potential project topics
(project proposals due friday, august 21st)
racialized sexuality
abstinence-only sex education vs. comprehensive sex ed
social, legal, and historical context of
sexual cultures
respectability
politicization and social control of reproduction
sexual subjectivity
(disrupting) the good girl/bad girl dichotomy
rape culture
consent
victim-blaming and rationalizing rape through gender norms
sexual violence, policy, crime, and justice
global discourses of sexual, gender-based, and/or domestic violence
antiviolence social movements resisting rape and gbv
artistic, cultural production against rape
intersectionality, structures of violence and the critique of mainstream feminist responses to woc and gender-based violence
3
Sexual Education
what do those socialized as girls get educated on via social construction?
lesson on girls/womens sexuality from school and family
4
lorena garcia (2012)
the sexual (mis)education of latina girls
garcia interviewed latina teens in the chicago public school system about their identities and experiences with sex, sex education, & sexual health practices.
key findings
these young women are aware of stereotypes and beliefs that they are overly and improperly sexual, and the stereotypes of latinas
interplay of heterosexism, racism, sexism
being taught not just to be heterosexual women, but how to adhere to norms of heterosexual femininity
they construct identities based on sexual respect, not sexual prudishness, and prioritize academic and career goals as a path to a type of empowered womanhood.
5
lessons from sex ed
latina girls interactions with sex educators constituted:
a heterosexualizing process, supporting inequality between boys and girls, the good girl/bad girl dichotomy, and erasing non-heterosexual students
a racialized process, understanding latinas to be inherently bad girls predisposed to teen pregnancy (excessively reproductive) and sexual risk-taking, and latino boys to machismo (hypermasculine, manipulative, ignorant)
the power of the stigma of being at risk became something that informed their goals for sexual respectability and academic success.
upholds heteronormative, patriarchal, hierarchal family
race and
gender
6
lesson:
be good (responsible and chaste)
good girl / bad girl dichotomy combines meanings around gender and sexuality:
good girls (ideal femininity): passive, receptive, dependent, innocent, virginal, moral, nurturing, domestic; objects of desire but not desiring subjects
bad girls (sexual agents): sexually active and desiring, independent, unchaste, stigmatized, immoral, slutty
also shaped by culture, race/ethnicity, nationality, religion
girls told to be the responsible ones and fulfill the sexual gatekeeper role (63), even for boys own actions
the girls critiqued aoe (abstinence only education), including its sexual shaming practices for sexually active youth
they wanted practical knowledge and skills for safer sex practices, to become better informed sexual subjects.
sexual respectability became a form of self-monitoring and discipline of the self
7
lesson:
dont be gay
students learned not to feel safe in sex ed class, especially queer and gender non-conforming students
[the teacher] started yelling, who asked this?! who asked the question about books about lesbian teenagers?!. . . . she got more pissed off and was like, i dont know who did it, but i hope it wasnt one of you girls, because you should know better than to act so immature. (65)
pressure to conform to heterosexuality by peers, reinforced by lessons from sex ed
teachers lack of training or comfort
lgbtq+ youth felt erased by the aoe curriculum that highlights heterosexual relations and marriage
8
latina girls responses to aoe
they rejected stereotypes, stigma and the expectation of failure.
as second-generation im/migrants from mexico and puerto rico they were highly aware of how migration, gender, race, and class impacted their parents lack of opportunitiesespecially their mothersand felt responsible for achieving socioeconomic success for their families.
this achievement included attempts to avoid being the bad girl, promiscuous latina, or teen mom, instead concentrating on academic success.
the girls were critical of how sex educators pushed long-term contraception technologies like depo provera (the shot) a connection to the davis reading
recognized the relevance and importance of sex ed to their lives
celia: it was weird because i really didnt know how to bring it up [condom use]. i did, but i remember thinking, why dont they teach you about this in sex ed, you know, the stuff that really happens and how to handle it? (77)
9
Race and reproduction
10
angela davis
(1983; 2003 reprint)
racism, birth control, and reproductive rights
key concepts:
ideological underpinnings of the birth control movement
birth control and abortion rights campaigns
history and shifts in strategies
racial and class differences
influence of eugenics: the study of how to arrange reproduction within a human population to increase the occurrence of heritable characteristics regarded as desirable.
how do we decide what characteristics are desirable? who becomes undesirable? what groups have historically been looked upon as undesirable?
sterilization abuse
11
sterilization abuse
non-consensual, coerced, or compulsory forms of sterilization, a medical procedures that intentionally leaves a person unable to reproduce. for example: having your tubes tied (tubal ligation) or getting a vasectomy.
indiana first legalized involuntary sterilization, prompting similar statutes among other states that typically. had greater impact on poorer people who were more likely to be confined to state institutions.
early 1930s, sterilization policies focused on women seen as mentally deficient and thus unfit mothers and women could be labeled feebleminded and thus sterilized for being promiscuous or pregnant while unmarried.
12
coerced sterilization
many women were coerced into sterilization by being threatened with withdrawal of welfare benefits; medicaid beneficiaries were particularly targeted by coercion
a doctor in aiken county, south carolina had his own policy to require sterilization after delivery of a welfare mothers third baby, a measure he said was to reduce the welfare rolls
carl shultz, director of hews population affairs office, estimated that between 100,000 and 200,000 sterilizations had actually been funded that year by the federal government. (davis 363)
policies like welfare family caps may not have required sterilization, but they often compelled women to use more intense types of birth control, including sterilization, or to get unwanted abortions to avoid childbirths for which they would receive no financial assistance
13
sterilization and race
middle-class white women faced a vastly different dynamic with sterilization: doctors often refused to allow them to be sterilized
this dynamic led to divergent political agendas toward sterilization among white activists and women of color activists
this disparity highlights how agents of the medical establishment, fueled by social ideologies and their own politicized agendas, sought to affirm white womens gender roles
at the same time, motivations to sterilize black women reveal the severity with which state, medical, and other social agents found black reproductivity so dangerous as to justify violent ends to restrict black reproduction
importance of movements reflecting on themselves and on history of issues
14
eugenics and the birth control movement
eugenic thinking
that reproductive strategies can improve society by reducing the births of socially marginalized people
locates social problems in reproduction instead of social structures, making the solution then to eliminate people instead of social inequities
its chief epistemological device is to make the social order seem natural by casting its features as biological facts.
dorothy roberts, race, gender, and genetic technologies, 18081.
race-suicide anxieties around less white birth rate
their solution was limiting black, immigrant, and poor peoples reproduction ideology that continued through welfare reform and through today
15
eugenics and the birth control movement
race suicide could be prevented by the introduction of birth control among black people, immigrants and the poor in general. what was demanded as a right for the privileged came to be interpreted as a duty for the poor. (358)
compare to call for voluntary motherhood
sangers embrace of eugenics, and forced sterilization
while procreative sex is usually less stigmatized (think charmed circle), we see how the reproduction of black people, people of color, and at times poor people is seen as dangerous
response is extensive systems of control rather than social support programs that could truly be helpful
16
this episode in the birth control movement confirmed the ideological victory of the racism associated with eugenic ideas. it had been robbed of its progressive potential, advocating for people of color not the individual right to birth control, but rather the racist strategy of population control.
(davis 2003, 361)
17
Female inmates sterilized in California prisons without approval
18
Toward Reproductive Justice
Framework for activism and thinking that combines reproductive rights with social justice aims
Expands beyond pro-choice / pro-life framing to encompass three core principles:
The right not to have a child
The right to have a child
The right to parent children in safe and healthy environments.
Demands sexual autonomy and gender freedom
Loretta J. Ross and Rickie Solinger,
Reproductive Justice: An Introduction, 9
19
Rape and
Sexual Violence
20
ucsb resources on
sexual violence and prevention
ucsb sexual violence website
provides the uc community with key information about university support services, your responsibilities as a member of the uc community, and steps uc is taking to address sexual violence.
resource guide
ucsb offers a summary guide to campus and local resources for students who have been affected by sexual violence.
ucsb adjudication process
ucsb policy on sexual harassment and sexual violence
21
kate harding (2015)
the power of myth
key concepts
rape culture
rape myths,
including the 7 she discusses
victim blaming
slut shaming
22
rape myths
23
she asked for it
its literally impossible to ask to be raped
it wasnt really rape
there arent different categories like rape rape, gray rape, etc.
he didnt mean to
rape is not an accident. most rapists rape more than once. its not just miscommunication.
she wanted it
either the person was raped, or the person wanted the act; both cannot be true at the same time.
she lied
only 2-8% of reports are estimated false. theres a myth that women lie all the time. most dont lie about victimization.
rape is a trivial event
rape is a deviant event
its hard to imagine friends, family, coworkers as rapists, but most rapists are known to their victims. experiences of rape or attempted rape are not uncommon: 1 in 6 women, 1 in 33 men; LGBQ and transgender/gender non-conforming people face specific risks as well.
rape is also traumatic for non-virgins. assumes rape is not a big deal.
what is rape culture?
a cultural context in which rape is pervasive, normalized,
trivialized and rationalized. includes:
victim blaming: victims seen as responsible for violence and crimes against them
slut shaming: shaming of sexual behavior or expression as the supposed cause for one being raped. promiscuous women (or bad girls) seen as deserving of rape.
rape as entertainment or comedy
a cultural investment in rape myths
24
consent
pop culture makers frame consent as a grey area that is open to interpretation, affords plausible deniability to representations of assault as normal sexual behavior
retroactive consent used in pop culture to ensure the viewer that no matter what she said or did to resist the encounter. she wanted it after all.
an example is
25
blurred lines and consent
project unbreakable featured portraits of sexual assault survivors holding signs with the most memorable comments made by their rapists. sociological images posted about the similarity with the lyrics from blurred lines
i know you want it…
youre a good girl
but you’re an animal,
baby, it’s in your nature
just let me liberate you
the implication in robin thickes song blurred lines is that because the woman is not responding to a mans sexual advances, which of course are irresistible, shes hiding her true sexual desire under a facade of disinterest.
calling an adult a good girl resonates with the the dichotomy.
thicke is singing about forcing a woman to perform both the good girl and bad girl roles in order to satisfy the mans desires.
26
affirmative consent
ucsb campus advocacy, resources & education (care)provides services around sexual assault, relationship violence, stalking and harassment issues
care defines affirmative consent:
also known as “yes means yes
all individuals involved in sexual activity agree to participate.
it is the responsibility of each person involved to ensure they have consent from the other individual(s) involved. this can be as simple as asking or checking in with the other person to ensure that they are comfortable and interested in participating in the sexual activity.
consent is never silent and that the absence of a “no” does not mean “yes”. this is what makes consent affirmative
is affirmative consent a reasonable expectation or a burden?
27
party culture and
gendered double standards
boys will be boys vs. shes an inebriated slut
studies show male rapists are more likely to have been drinking than their female victims
warnings about drinking are aimed at women
what messages have you received (or not received)
around partying and sexuality? from who?
28
what was she wearing?
often victim blaming discourse cites the attire of victims
implies that provocative dress is an invitation for sex, consent
shifts responsibility to victims of crime
makes rape seem to be primarily about sex rather than about power, control, anger, and humiliation which take the form of sexual assault
excuses perpetrators as just having misunderstood intentions of the victim
1998 italian court ruling overturning the conviction of a jailed rapist cited the jean alibi or denim defense:
jeans cannot be removed easily and certainly it is impossible to pull them off if the victim is fighting against her attacker with all her force.
led to denim day, april 22, a protest around the world. repealed in 2008.
29
false allegations?
harding writes in 92-98% of cases, the victim is telling the truth, 2-8% are false, despite widespread view that false reporting is much higher
fabricated rape often mimics cultural idea of rape: a stranger with a weapon, often a black brute (i.e. ashley todd in 2008 claimed a black obama supporter raped her and cut a b in her cheek) or other racist/xenophobic stereotype
8 out of 10 rapes are committed by someone known to the victim
victims are often not believed, blamed, cases require physical evidence to overrule a he said/ she said dynamic.
it is believed that only 1635% percent of all sexual assaults are reported
some victims recant when when faced with skepticism by investigators or other officials
30
rape myths and discourses of rape
some see feminist movement against rape culture as discriminatory against men and fostering a culture of victimhood among young women.
myths that sexual assault is less prevalent than statistics show (1 in 5 college women, 11.2% of all students) and is being exaggerated by activists and false reporting
31
miriam zoila prez (2008)
when sexual autonomy isnt enough
takeaways
border crossing and im/migration involves particular risks, power imbalances, and vulnerabilities
broader politics and economics, as well as racism and xenophobia, structure immigrants vulnerability to sexual violence
addressing sexual violence for all people means considering intersecting issues and movements
32
vulnerability of immigrant women
critiques individualized approaches (which themselves can be victim-blaming and slut-shaming forms of education)
fall short and often do not address or address enough the larger institutional structures: such as immigration policy and quotas, u.s. foreign economic policy, militarization of the border
linkage of immigration status to relationships (personal, romantic, and/or employment) fosters power imbalances and vulnerability to exploitation
coercive practices around reproduction: coerced or forced abortions, social discourses of so-called anchor babies
these acts of sexual violence against immigrant women, while invariably very much connected to issues of gender and inequality, are also inseparable from issues of class and race. (prez 2008, 146)
33
addressing the issues
focus on needs of women and children (and lgbtq+ migrants) in immigration policy and discussions
emphasize intersectionality and cross-movement organizing to address connected and overlapping issues
immigrant women will not be free from rape until we see economic justice, until all people have access to living-wage jobs, education, healthcare services, and safe living environments.
the reproductive justice movement focuses on how all of these aspects of a woman’s life are intertwined and must be taken into account in order to effect change. (prez 2009, 149)
34
rape in pop culture
popularity of rape (of women) in popular culture forms, from tv to music to film to social media
portrayal of rape and ambiguous rape
including rape for titillation and ratings
song lyrics and images that suggest and glorify sexual assault and harassment
mobilizing racist or sexist stereotypes
invoking rape myths such as the victim lied, wanted to be raped, asked for it, or dressed or acted in ways to invite assault
how can entertainment industries and artists be held accountable for rape culture?
does rape culture impact the rates of rape and victim blaming in society?
35
hypersexuality and
impossible victims of rape
sex workers, women of color, trans women, lesbians, and other women on the margins are perceived as being impossible victims of sexual violence, and even agents of violence themselves,
thus they are more vulnerable to sexualized violence and also more likely to not be believed, supported, or even abused by law enforcement.
when woc bodies made public property (think sterilization example), their personhood is dehumanized, their voices and testimonies lack credibility
alleged hypersexuality and seductive nature means they are always ready and consenting for sex
belief in anti-immigrant sentiments like anchor babies empowers border patrol and ice to abuse migrant women and girls.
stereotypes and controlling images of woc catalyzes abuse by law enforcement
36
#SayHerName
launched in 2014 by the african american policy forum (aapf) and center for intersectionality and social policy studies (cisps)
campaign highlights the invisibilized names and stories of black women and girls who have been victimized by racist police violence and provides support to their families
should avoid being repurposed into #sayhisname, as #sayhername specifically addresses the erasure of black women from the Black live matter movement.
https://aapf.org/sayhername
37
From the report: Say Her Name: Resisting Police Brutality Against Black Women
38
Tarana Burke, founder and executive director of The me too. Movement, spoke at UCSB in 2018
(The Daily Nexus article)
me too.
39
UCSB Resources on
Sexual Violence and Prevention
UCSB Sexual Violence website
Provides the UC community with key information about university support services, your responsibilities as a member of the UC community, and steps UC is taking to address sexual violence.
Resource Guide
UCSB offers a summary guide to campus and local resources for students who have been affected by sexual violence.
UCSB Adjudication Process
UCSB Policy on Sexual Harassment and Sexual Violence
40 NYU Press
Chapter Title: The Sexual (Mis)Education of Latina Girls
Book Title: Respect Yourself, Protect Yourself
Book Subtitle: Latina Girls and Sexual Identity
Book Author(s): Lorena Garcia
Published by: NYU Press. (2012)
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>> 57
3
The Sexual (Mis)Education of Latina Girls
For our first scheduled interview, I met Samantha, who had character-
ized her mother as old-school Puerto Rican, at Centro Adelante, where
she was organizing poster-size diagrams for a presentation she was prepar-
ing on safe sex.1 The professionally printed diagrams illustrated female and
male reproductive organs and different birth control and safe-sex methods.
Samantha, along with Carolyn, a young African American woman, had been
training to be a peer health educator at the Chicago Committee on Youth
Health (CCYH). Under the supervision of a CCYH youth coordinator, the
two young women of color led an engaging one-hour workshop on safe sex
for a group of fifteen to twenty young women and men that afternoon. Their
audience, composed mostly of Latina/o youth, listened attentively and asked
pointed questions about access to sexual health resources in the community
and about safe-sex methods. A young man asked where one could obtain an
HIV test and whether parental consent was required for such a test, while
a young woman inquired about parental consent for access to birth control.
With minimal assistance from the youth coordinator, Samantha and Carolyn
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58 << T h e Se x ua l ( M i s ) E d u c at i o n o f L at i na G i rl s confidently addressed questions directed at them. Later, I asked Samantha whether she had been nervous during the workshop. She confidently replied, Im just trying to spread some knowledge other teens might want to know about. Please, especially when a lot of these schools dont really do a good job of telling it like it is, they dont care about what we wanna know or need to know, just what they think we should know and shouldnt be knowing and doing. Samantha, like the majority of girls I spoke with, expressed her dissatis- faction with school-based sex education.2 Describing some of her own expe- riences with sex education in the classroom, the honor roll student stated, Everyone is always telling us, like, Knowledge is power, this and that. But when it comes down to it with some things, like sex ed., some teachers are like, Uh-uh, thats too much information for you. You only need to know this. School-based sex education, whether abstinence-only or comprehen- sive, left much to be desired in terms of the knowledge that was imparted to the Latina girls who shared their experiences with me. Research on sex education has revealed that sex education policies are informed by national and local struggles over the meanings and conse- quences of gender, race, class, and sexual categories.3 The implementation of sex education has generally been guided by the perceived need to protect the sexual innocence of youth or to protect youth from the dangers of their own sexual curiosity. Decisions about which objective to pursue are often guided by assumptions about race/ethnicity.4 While middle- and upper-class white youth are often perceived to be in need of intervention to guide them through their normally abnormal hormone-besieged adolescence, youth of color are typically constructed as always at risk and a source of dan- ger.5 And feminist scholars have pointed to the ways that gender and sexual inequalities are produced and maintained through sex education lessons.6 Thus, it should not be assumed, as the sociologist Jessica Fields contends, that all young people encounter sex education curricula in the same manner.7 In this chapter, I explore Latina girls accounts of their school-based sex education experiences in middle school. Their interactions with teachers and sex educators were tied to various assumptions about Latinas and were cen- tral to their stories of school-based sex education in middle school. Their experiences reveal not only how sexism, racism, and the presumption that all girls are heterosexual structure the content and delivery of school-based sex education for Latinas girls but also how these young women relate their need to be informed sexual subjects to their educational plans. Their narratives indicate that their ability to be academically successful is also an important component of their crafting of femininity, a process that entails negotiation This content downloaded from 184.187.189.249 on Thu, 13 Jun 2019 23:07:12 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms T h e Se x ua l ( M i s ) E d u c at i o n o f L at i na G i rl s >> 59
of their sexual subjectivity and respectability. The intersection of Latina
girls multiple identitiesas U.S. Latinas, as daughters of immigrants and/or
migrants, as students, and as sexual subjectsshapes their understandings
of the role of education in their lives and the importance they assign to their
future success.
Sex Education and Public Schools
Presently, sex education curricula are grouped into two broad categories:
abstinence-plus (also called comprehensive sexuality education) and absti-
nence-only-until-marriage (also called abstinence-only). Comprehensive
sex education does cover abstinence but also teaches about contraception,
sexually transmitted diseases, HIV, and abortion. Slightly more than half of
the girls I spoke with described access to this type of sex education. The rest
of the young women were provided abstinence-only education. Abstinence-
only education does not teach about contraception or abortion. When sexu-
ally transmitted diseases and HIV are referenced, it is typically to highlight
the negative consequences of premarital sex.
With the exception of two girls, all of the young women who participated
in this study were or had been at one point Chicago Public Schools (CPS)
students.8 Since the average age of young women at the time of interview was
sixteen, their middle school sex education generally occurred between 1998
and 2002, a period marked by increased federal funding for abstinence-only
programs. Although the Reagan administration had made federal funding
available for abstinence-only sex education beginning in the early 1980s, the
support and promotion of abstinence-only programs intensified in the mid-
1990s. More than $1 billion were channeled to abstinence-only sex education
programs between 1996 and 2006, while federal funds were not made avail-
able for comprehensive sexuality education.9
Although girls discussed their sexuality education experiences at all grade
levels, it was their experiences in the sixth through the eighth grades that
they elaborated upon in great detail.10 During the years, while these young
women were middle school students, the Board of Education of the Chicago
Public Schools did not take an official stance or provide guidelines on sex
education. Thus, it was possible to have variations in the quality and content
of sex education in CPS. However, there were similarities in the girls descrip-
tions of their sex education in terms of how they participated in it and who
was designated to teach it. For example, the majority of the girls said that
female and male students generally received sex education together in the
classroom, whether it was comprehensive or abstinence-only sex education.
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60 << T h e Se x ua l ( M i s ) E d u c at i o n o f L at i na G i rl s Guest speakers, most of whom were women, typically taught sex education in middle school, according to most of the young women.11 But teachers also figured prominently in the girls discussions of their sex education.12 In what follows, I discuss themes and patterns that cut across both types of sex edu- cation curricula, allowing us to further understand how inequalities emerge and are reinforced through sex education in general. Maintaining Inequality through School-Based Sex Education The girls narratives reveal that heteronormativity was central to the content and delivery of both types of sex education curricula. In girls descriptions of their sex education experiences, lessons were crafted around heterosexuality and heterosexual norms. And heterosexuality was most often discussed in relation to masculinity and femininity. In other words, masculinity and fem- ininity were tightly linked to heterosexuality, and femininity was connected to the good-girl/bad-girl dichotomy within sex education lessons. However, the institutionalization of heterosexuality via sex education also entailed the incorporation of racialized gender stereotypes to produce specific lessons for Latina youth about how they should engage sex education in the classroom and what kind of sex education information was most relevant to them. Lessons about Engaging Sex Education in the Classroom Whether they were speaking of abstinence-only or comprehensive sex educa- tion experiences, many girls told of interactions with teachers and sex educators in which students were invited or expected to ask questions but were then dis- ciplined for their level of engagement with sex education. Much as my friends and I did when we were middle school students, they characterized their male peers as acting foolish, not taking it seriously, or saying ignorant things. Quite often, girls told of incidents in which boys were scolded or disciplined by teachers for misbehaving during sex education. Girls, on the other hand, were described as being reprimanded for their active engagement with sex education in the classroom. In other words, it was possible for female students to be too interested in learning about sex. Such was the experience of seventeen-year- old Minerva, whose mother, Carmen, rejected the idea that Minerva was a lost cause because she was no longer a virgin. Not one to shy away from speaking her mind, the talkative young woman often made comments that elicited either laughs or gasps from her peers at Hogar del Pue
